How the Washington Post Censors the News
A Letter to the Washington Post by Julian C. Holmes
April 25, 1992
Richard Harwood, Ombudsman The Washington Post 1150 15th Street NW
Washington, DC 20071
Dear Mr. Harwood,
Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit of hard
news, just let drop the faintest rumor of a government conspiracy, and a klaxon
horn goes off in the news room. Aroused from apathy in the daily routine of
reporting assignations and various other political and social sports events,
editors and reporters scramble to the phones. The klaxon screams its warning:
the greatest single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government
stability-the dreaded CONSPIRACY THEORY!!
It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted by any
of these frightful spectres, but their presence is announced to Post readers
with a salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs spun by the wacko
Recall how the Post saved us from the truth about Iran-Contra.
Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule the
idea that Oliver North and his CIA-associated gangsters had conspired to do
wrong (*1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack Anderson and Dale Van
Atta discussed some of the conspirators, the Post sprang to protect its readers,
and the conspirators, by censoring the Anderson column before printing it (*2).
But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra conspiracy. In
1986, the Christic Institute, an interfaith center for law and public policy,
had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S. arms-for-drugs trade that helped keep
weapons flowing to the CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S.
markets (*3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work
on our bizarre, illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed to this
discovery process by disparaging the charges of conspiracy and by publishing
false information about the drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House
Subcommittee on Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman
Charles Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed only a partial
correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from Rangel (*5).
Sworn testimony before Senator John Kerry's Subcommittee on Terrorism,
Narcotics, and International Operations confirmed U.S. Government complicity in
the drug trade (*6). With its coverup of the arms/drug conspiracy evaporating,
the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and retained Hosenball to exorcise
from our minds a newly emerging threat to domestic tranquility, the October
Surprise conspiracy (*7). But close
on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara Honegger and then Gary Sick
who authored independently, two years apart, books with the same title, October
Surprise (*8).Honegger was a member of the Reagan/Bush campaign and transition
teams in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of Middle East Politics at Columbia
University, was on the staff of the National Security Council under Presidents
Ford, Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick
published their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to
Iran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United States hostages until after
the November 1980 election. The purpose of this deal was to quash the
possibility of a pre-election release (an October surprise) which would have
bolstered the reelection prospects for President Carter.
Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In October
1988, Playboy Magazine ran an expose An Election Held Hostage; FRONTLINE did
another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a conference of distinguished
journalists, joined by 8 of the former hostages, challenged the Congress to make
a full, impartial investigation of the election/hostage allegations. The Post
reported the statement of the hostages, but not a word of the conference itself
which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10). On
February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives begrudgingly
authorized an October Surprise investigation by a task force of 13 congressmen
headed by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired the House of Representatives
Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named as chief team counsel Larry Barcella,
a lawyer who represented BCCI when the Bank was indicted in 1988 (*11).
Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing the
U.S. arms-for-drugs operation (*12). He had accepted Oliver North's
lies, and as
Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he derailed House Resolution 485
which had asked President Reagan to answer questions about Contra support
activities of government officials and others (*13).After CIA operative John
Hull (from Hamilton's home state). was charged in Costa Rica with international
drug trafficking and hostile acts against the nation's security, Hamilton and 18
fellow members of Congress tried to intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias
Sanchez into handling Hull's case in a manner that will not complicate
U.S.-Costa Rican relations (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or
the Costa Rican response that declared Hull's case to be in as good hands as our
100 year old uninterrupted democracy can provide to all citizens (*15).
Though the Post does its best to guide our thinking away from conspiracy
theories, it is difficult to avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing involves
government or corporate conspiracies:
In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery,
surveillance, false arrests, and violence to illegally harass U.S. citizens in
the 60's (*16).
The CIA's Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by destroying crops,
brutalizing citizens, destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia
to assassinate Fidel Castro and other leaders (*17).
Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the
Department of Justice to be conspiring with I.G.Farben...of Germany. ...By its
cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the United States was effectively prevented
from developing or producing [for World War-II] any substantial amount of
synthetic rubber, said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin (*18).
U.S. Government agencies knowingly withheld information about dosages of
radiation almost certain to produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer that
contaminated people residing near the nuclear weapons factory at Hanford,
Various branches of Government deliberately drag their feet in getting around
to cleaning up the Nation's dangerous nuclear weapons sites (*20).State and
local governments back the nuclear industry's secret public relations strategy
The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some twenty
comprehensive cancer centers, have misled and confused the public and Congress
by repeated claims that we are winning the war against cancer. In fact, the
cancer establishment has continually minimized the evidence for increasing
cancer rates which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, while
discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable exposures to industrial
carcinogens in the air, food, water, and the workplace. (*22).
The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq is yet
another example of the President's people conspiring to keep both Congress and
the American people in the dark (*23).
If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of doing business
in this country.
Take the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf War by the
Pentagon and much of the news media (*24).
Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend $100
million in taxes to promote a distorted and truncated history of Columbus in
America (*25). along the lines of the Smithsonian Institution's fusion of the
two worlds, (*26). rather than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish
invasion, like anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and death (*27).
Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from the
INSLAW company of sophisticated, law-enforcement computer software which now
point to a widespread conspiracy implicating lesser Government officials in the
theft of INSLAW's technology, says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot
Or the largest bank fraud in world financial history
(*29), where the White
House knew of the criminal activities at the Bank of Crooks and Criminals
International (BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence agencies did their secret
banking (*31), and where bribery of prominent American public officials was a
way of doing business (*32).
Or the 1949 conviction of GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of California,
Firestone, and E. Roy Fitzgerald, among others, for criminally conspiring to
replace electric transportation with gas- and diesel-powered buses and to
monopolize the sale of buses and related products to transportation companies
throughout the country [in, among others, the cities of New York, Philadelphia,
Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles] (*33).
Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT). and the
U.S. Department of Transportation to overlook safety defects in the 1.2 million
Corvair automobiles manufactured by General Motors in the early 60's (*34).
Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield
intrauterine contraceptive, and which ignored repeated warnings of the Shield's
hazards and which stonewalled, deceived, covered up, and covered up the coverups...[thus
inflicting] on women a worldwide epidemic of pelvic infections. (*35).
Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and the FAA
resulted in failure to enforce regulations regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door
which failed in flight killing all 364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981
on March 3, 1974 (*36).
Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES).
that was sold by manufacturers who ignored tests which showed DES to be
carcinogenic; and who acted in concert with each other in the testing and
marketing of DES for miscarriage purposes (*37).
Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the cooperation of a
corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of their savings. This arrogant
disregard from the White House, Congress and corporate world for the interests
and rights of the American people will cost U.S. taxpayers many hundreds of
billions of dollars (*38).
Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers, Federal Pacific, and General Electric
executives who met surreptitiously in hotel rooms to fix prices and eliminate
competition on heavy industrial equipment (*39).
Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT). officers for
fabricating safety tests on prescription drugs (*40).
Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of medical
problems relating to asbestos (*41).
Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies agreed not to
engage in any effective price competition (*42).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to cover up
the nature of our decades-old war against the people of Nicaragua a covert war
that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government applying pressure for the
Nicaraguan police to reorganize into a more repressive force (*43).
Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in the
Chilean election process with military aid, covert actions, and an economic
boycott which culminated in the overthrow of the legitimately elected government
and the assassination of President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry
Kissinger and CIA Director William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the
purpose of disrupting Angola's plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and
to lie about these actions to the Congress and the news media
(*45). And CIA
Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this U.S.-sponsored terrorism
Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade Panama in
1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the United States, the U.N.
Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the Panama Canal Treaties (*47).
Or the gross antitrust violations (*48)and the conspiracy of American oil
companies and the British and U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically
after Iran nationalized the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And
the subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime Minister Muhammed
Or the CIA-planned assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice Lumumba
Or the deliberate and willful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert
Dole, Senator George Mitchell, various U.S. Government agencies, and members of
both Houses of the Congress to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for
the presidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51).
Or the collective approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to head the
CIA, in the face of unmistakable evidence that Gates lied about his role in the
Iran-Contra scandal (*52).
Or How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland's Solidarity Movement
and Hasten the Demise of Communism (*53).
Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban the use of
USAID funds by any country for the promotion of birth control or abortion (*54).
Or the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve common purpose in
Central America (*55).
Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer Hector
Gramajo with the U.S. Army to design programs to build civilian-military
cooperation at the U.S. Army School of the Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning,
Georgia; five of the nine soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El
Salvador are graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel
Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration to harass
and cause bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter who uncovered dangerous
working conditions at the facility (*57).
Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of South
Vietnam to delay the Paris Peace Talks until after the 1968 U.S. presidential
Or the pandemic coverups of police violence (*59).
Or the always safe-to-cite worldwide communist conspiracy
Or maybe the socially responsible, secret consortium to publish The Satanic
Verses in paperback (*61).
Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the Washington Post
offers little comment unless conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a really
important conspiracy that, let's say, benefits big business or big government.
Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of the
Iranian government to help out U.S. oil companies; or like our illegal war
against Panama to tighten U.S. control over Panama and the Canal; or like
monopoly control of broadcasting that facilitates corporate censorship on issues
of public importance (*62). When the camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped
away, public confidence in the conspiring officials can erode-depending on how
seriously the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public
trust. Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to see
as a real threat to its corporate security.
Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on Oliver
Stone's movie JFK, which reexamines the U.S. Government's official (Warren
Commission. finding that a single gunman, acting alone, killed President John F.
Kennedy. The movie also is the story of New Orleans District Attorney Jim
Garrison's unsuccessful prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in
connection with the assassination. And the movie proposes that the Kennedy
assassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not be served
by a president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us from our war against
The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along lines
suggested by JFK. Senior Post journalists like Charles Krauthammer, Ken Ringle,
George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael Isikoff, have been called up to man the
bulwarks against public sentiment which has never supported the government's
non-conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that the Senate
Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that both the FBI and CIA had
repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission (*63)and that the 1979 Report of the
House Select Committee on Assassinations found that President Kennedy was
probably killed as a result of a conspiracy (*64), a truly astounding number of
Post stories have been used as vehicles to discredit JFK as just another
Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen
Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George Lardner Jr
(*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had second thoughts about
escalating the Vietnam War and declaim that there is no historical justification
for this idea. Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison
chief L. Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John Newman have
each authored defense of the JFK thesis that Kennedy was not enthusiastic about
staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just continues ranting against the
possibility of a high-level assassination conspiracy while offering little
justification for its arguments.
An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable behavior is
George Lardner Jr's contribution to the Post's campaign against the movie.
Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie was completed, and the third
upon its release. In May, six months before the movie came out, Lardner obtained
a copy of the first draft of the script and, contrary to accepted standards,
revealed in the Post the contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this
article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile statements from a
former Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner does not tell the reader
that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S. Government criminal action
brought against Garrison, Government witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison
for prosecution, admitted under oath that in a May 1972 interview with a New
Orleans television reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S. Government's
case against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's 1973 account of the Garrison
acquittal mentions this controversy, but when I recently asked Lardner about
this, he was not clear as to whether he remembered it (*71).
Two weeks after his first JFK article, Lardner blustered his way through a
justification for his unauthorized possession of the early draft of the movie
(*72).He also defended his reference to Pershing Gervais by lashing out at
Garrison as a writer of gothic fiction.
When the movie was released in December, Lardner reviewed it
(*73). He again
ridiculed the film's thesis that following the Kennedy assassination, President
Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to de-escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a
memorandum issued by Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this
memorandum was written before the assassination, and that it was a continuation
of Kennedy's policy. In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before the
assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for National Security
Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it. Following the
assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version provided for escalating
the war against Vietnam (*74)-- facts that Lardner avoided.
The Post's crusade against exposing conspiracies is blatantly dishonest:
The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for the most
part conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do current
readers of this newspaper find meaningful discussion of the Warren Commission's
secret doubts about both the FBI and the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA
headquarters instructing co-conspirators at field stations to counteract the new
wave of books and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission's
findings...[and] conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently thrown suspicion
on our organization and to discuss the publicity problem with liaison and
friendly elite contacts, especially politicians and editors and to employ
propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of the critics. ...Book
reviews and feature articles are particularly appropriate for this purpose.
...The aim of this dispatch is to provide material for countering and
discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists... (*77).
In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The Great,
the story of Post publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close ties with
Washington's powerful elite, a number of whom were with the CIA.
Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim that
Bradlee had produced CIA material (*78).Understandably sensitive about this
kind of publicity, Bradlee told Davis' publisher Harcourt Brace Jovanovich ,Miss
Davis is lying ...I never produced CIA material ...what I can do is to brand
Miss Davis as a fool and to put your company in that special little group of
publishers who don't give a shit for the truth. The Post bullied HBJ into
recalling the book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of
contract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis published
her book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been
deeply involved with producing cold-war/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says
the allegations about his association with people in the CIA are false, but he
has apparently taken no action to contest the extensive documentation presented
by Deborah Davis in the second and third editions of her book (*80).
And it's not as if the Post were new to conspiracy work.
Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham believing that the function of
the press was more often than not to mobilize consent for the policies of the
government, was one of the architects of what became a widespread practice: the use and manipulation of journalists by the CIA
(*81). This scandal was known by
its code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl
Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, It was widely known that
Phil Graham was someone you could get help from (*82). More recently the Post
provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by refusing to print his
name for over a year up until the day his indictment was announced ...for crimes
committed in his official capacity as CIA station chief in Costa Rica (*83).
Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the
availability and prices of journalists were discussed, a former CIA man recalls,
You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred
dollars a month (*84). One may wish to consider Philip Graham's philosophy along
with a more recent statement from his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman of
the Board of the Washington Post. In a lecture on terrorism and the news media,
Mrs. Graham said: A second challenge facing the media is how to prevent
terrorists from using the media as a platform for their views. ... The point is
that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and we've learned better
how and where to draw the line, though the decisions are often difficult (*85).
Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified that
our elite and our high-level public officials may be exposed as conspirators
behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the assassination of
President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in that, like most of us and
like most institutions, the Post runs its business as a conspiracy of
like-minded entrepreneurs-a conspiracy to act or work together toward the same
result or goal (*86). But where the Post really parts company from just plain
people is when it pretends that conspiracies associated with big business or
government are coincidence. Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration inherent
in having to maintain this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver Stone and suggests
that Stone may actually believe that the Post's opposition to Stone's movie is a
conspiracy. Lardner assures us that Stone's complaints are groundless and
paranoid and smack of McCarthyism (*87).
So how does the Post justify devoting so much energy to ridiculing those who
The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because they need
something neat and tidy (*88)that plugs a gap no other generally accepted
theory fills', (*89). and coincidence ...is always the safest and most likely
explanation for any conjunction of curious circumstances ... (*90).
And what does this response mean? It means that coincidence theory is what
the Post espouses when it would prefer not to admit to a conspiracy. In other
words, some things just happen. And, besides, conspiracy to do certain things
would be a crime; coincidence is a safer bet.
Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it is rumored, serves as Executive
Director of the Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence Theorists, (*91)
recently issued a warning about presidential candidates who have begun to mutter
about a press conspiracy. Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these charges
as symptoms of the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the
American political class (*92). But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers;
they used the C word against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his off-the-cuff
comment into an entire column-ending it with: We are the new journalists,
immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing waters of political conformity. But
conspirators we ain't.
Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran of the
Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative Journalism. In the
December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote A Reporter Looks Back in
Anger-Why the Media Cover Up Corporate Crime. Therein he discussed the
difficulties in convincing editors to accept important news stories. He
illustrated the article with his own experiences at the Post, where he says he
was known as the biggest pain in the ass in the office (*93).
Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands of editors
is a matter of random coincidence?
And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by editors
without influence from fellow editors or from management? Would Harwood have us
believe that at the countless office meetings in which news people are ever in
attendance, there is no discussion of which stories will run and which ones will
find inadequate space? That there is no advanced planning for stories or that
there are no cooperative efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our
news-media grayout of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94)a Post
journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran equal to that the
Post lavishes on candidate Clinton? Let's face it: these possibilities are about
as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining guests at a soup kitchen.
Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post Ombudsman Ben
Bagdikian is telling less than the truth in his account of wire-service control
over news: The largely anonymous men who control the syndicate and wire service
copy desks and the central wire photo machines determine at a single decision
what millions will see and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that these
gatekeepers preside over an operation in which an appalling amount of press
agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches untouched out
the front door as 'news' (*95).
When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge
Clarence Thomas violated U.S. law when he failed to remove himself from a case
in which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million judgment against the Ralston
Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the animal feed empire, is the family
fortune of Thomas' mentor, Senator John Danforth. The Post limited its coverage
of the Thomas malfeasance to 56 words buried in the middle of a 1200-word
article (*97). Would Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout
on this matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of
coincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a story about Ralston Purina if
she had wanted to? Can a brick swim?
Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's Public
Citizen. Titled All the Vice President's Men, it documents How the Quayle
Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health, Safety, and Environmental
Programs. Three months later, Post journalists David Broder and Bob Woodward
published The President's Understudy, a seven-part series on Vice President
Quayle. Although this series does address Quayle's role with the Competitiveness
Council, its handling of the Council's disastrous impact on America is
inadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle
memorabilia: youth, family, college record, Christianity, political aspirations,
intellectual aspirations, wealthy friends, government associates, golf, travels,
wife Marilyn, and net worth-revealing little about Quayle's abilities, his
understanding of society's problems, or his thoughts about justice and freedom,
and never mentioning the comprehensive Nader study of Quayle's record in the
Bush Administration (*98).
Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did both of
them forget? Or did one, or the other, or both decide not to mention it? Did
these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever discuss together their
jointly authored stories? Did they decide to publish such a barren set of
articles because it would enhance their reputations? How did management feel
about the use of precious news space for such frivolity? Is it possible that so
many pages were dedicated to this twaddle without people acting or working
together toward the same result or goal? (*99)
Do crocodiles fly?
On March 20, front-page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New York
Times, USA Today, and the Washington Post read respectively:
TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE CLEARING CLINTON'S PATH
TSONGAS ABANDONS CAMPAIGN LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR PATH TOWARD SHOWDOWN WITH
TSONGAS CLEARS WAY FOR CLINTON
TSONGAS EXIT CLEARS WAY FOR CLINTON
This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions of
whether the news media collective mindset is really different from that of any
other cartel-like oil, diamond, energy, (*100)or manufacturing cartels, a
cartel being a combination of independent commercial enterprises designed to
limit competition (*101).
The Washington Post editorial page carries the heading:
AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER
Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post conspire
to keep its staff and its newspaper from wandering too far from the safety of
mediocrity? The Post would respond that the question is absurd. In that I am not
privy to the Post's telephone conversations, I can only speculate on how closely
the media elite must monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it
takes a new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are safe, and
that experienced reporters don't have to ask.
What is more important, however, than speculating about how the Post
communicates within its own corporate structure and with other members of the
cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does in public, namely, how
it shapes and censors the news.
Julian C. Holmes
Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news media,
And - maybe a few others.
Notes to Letter of April 25, 1992:
1. Mark Hosenball, The Ultimate Conspiracy, Washington Post, September 11,
2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, June
4,1991. Notes that the Post censored, from the Anderson/Van Atta column,
references to the Christic Institute and to Robert Gates.
2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van
Atta, Iran-Contra Figure Dodges Extradition,
Washington Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May 26, 1991. This is the
column submitted to the Post (see note 2a)..
2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van
Atta, The Man Washington Doesn't Want to
Extradite, Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note 2b). as it
appeared in the Post (see note 2a)..
3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy, etc.,
United States District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony Avirgan and
Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986.
3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, Reports: Contras Send Drugs to U.S.,
Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986.
3c. Neal Matthews, I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam (based on interviews with Robert
Plumlee, contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April 5, 1990.
4. Leslie Cockburn, Out of Control. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1987.
5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University
ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181.
5b. David S. Hilzenrath, Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras to Drug
Smuggling, Washington Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07.
5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22, Washington Post,
July 24,1987, p.A3.
5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman Rangel's
Letter- to-the-Editor of July 22, 1987. It was printed in the Congressional
Record on August 6, 1987, p.E3296-7.
6a. Michael Kranish, Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug Trail,
Boston Globe, April 10, 1988.
6b. Mary McGrory, The Contra-Drug Stink, Washington Post, April 10, 1988,
p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod Nordland, Guns for Drugs? Senate Probers Trace
an Old Contra Connection to George Bush's Office, Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.
6d. Dennis Bernstein, Iran-Contra-The Coverup Continues, The Progressive,
November 1988, p.24.
6e. Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy, A Report Prepared by the
Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations of the
Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December 1988.
7a. Mark Hosenball, If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian
Conspiracy Theory, Washington Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1.
7b. Mark Hosenball, October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of the 1980
'Hostage- Deal' Story Is Still Full of Holes, Washington Post, April 21,
8a. Barbara Honegger, October Surprise, New York: Tudor, 1989.
8b. Gary Sick, October Surprise, New York: Times Books, Random House, 1991.
9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, An Election Held Hostage, Playboy,
October 1988, p.73.
9b. Robert Parry and Robert Ross, The Election Held Hostage, FRONTLINE,
WGBH-TV,April 16, 1991.
10a. Reuter, Ex-Hostages Seek Probe By Congress, Washington Post, June
10b. An Election Held Hostage?, Conference, Dirksen Senate Office Building
Auditorium, Washington DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The Fund For New
Priorities in America, 171 Madison Avenue, New York, NY, 10016.
11a. David Brown and Guy
Gugliotta, House Approves Inquiry Into 'OctoberSurprise', Washington Post, February 6, 1992, p.A11.
11b. Jack Colhoun, Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise, The Guardian,
December 11, 1991, p.7.
11c. Jack Colhoun, October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer, The Guardian,
February 26, 1992, p.3.
12. See note 5a, p.180-1.
13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.
13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra
Affair, Senate Report No. 100-216, House Report No. 100-433, November 1987,
14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the Republic
of Costa Rica; from Members of the U.S. Congress David Dreier, Lee Hamilton,
Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass
Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates, Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas
Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert
Lagomarsino, and Bob McEwen; January 26, 1989.
14b. Peter Brennan, Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in
U.S.-Indiana Native Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in Nicaragua,
WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990.
14c. Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer, Scripps-Howard News
Service,April 25, 1991.
15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the
Case of the Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull, February 6, 1989.
16. Brian Glick, War at Home, Boston: South End Press, 1989.
17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard-The U.S. Role in the New
World Order, Boston: South End Press, 1991, p.121.
18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate,
77th Cong., 2nd Session (1942)., part I, as cited in Joseph
Borkin, The Crime
and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press, Macmillan, 1978, p.93.
19. R. Jeffrey Smith, Study of A-Plant Neighbors' Health Urged,
Washington Post, July 13, 1990, p.A6.
20. Tom Horton, A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend-Price Tag
Mounts to Clean Up Nuclear Weapons Sites, Baltimore Sun, February 23, 1992,
21. The Nuclear Industry's Secret PR Strategy, EXTRA!, March 1992,
22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need for
PublicPolicy Reform, Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.E947-9.
22b. Samuel S. Epstein, The Cancer Establishment, Washington Post, March 10,
23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the BNL
Scandal, Congressional Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014.
23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War Iraq
Policy, Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285.
23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal Adviser,
Memorandum to Jeanne S. Archibald et al, Meeting on congressional requests for
information and documents, April 8, 1991; Congressional Record, April 2,
24a. Michio Kaku, Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses, The
Guardian, March11, 1992, p.4.
24b. J. Max Robins, NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White Case,
Variety Magazine, March 4, 1991, p.25.
25. Emory R. Searcy Jr., Clergy and Laity Concerned, Spring 1991
Letter to Friends, p.1.
26. Jean Dimeo, Selling Hispanics on Columbus-Luis
Vasquez-Ajma Is Hired to Promote Smithsonian Project, Washington Post, November 18, 1991,
27. Hans Koning, Teach the Truth About Columbus, Washington Post,
September 3,1991, p.A19.
28a. James Kilpatrick, Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench, St. Louis
Post/Dispatch, March 18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, A High-Tech
Watergate, New York Times, October 21,1991.
29. BCCI-NBC Sunday Today, February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript
prepared by Burrelle's Information Services. The quote is from New York
District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is running his own independent
investigation of BCCI.
30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst;
from an interview with Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.
31. Jack Colhoun, BCCI Skeletons Haunting Bush's Closet, The
Guardian, September 18, 1991, p.9.
32. Robert Morgenthau. See note 29, p.10.
33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco:
Sierra ClubBooks, 1989 paperback edition, p.227.
34. See note 33, p.136-7.
35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon
Shield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33, p.157.
36. See note 33, p.164-171.
37. See note 33, p.172-180.
38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House,
1990. The quote is from Ralph Nader's Introduction, p.iii.
39. See note 33, p.217.
40. See note 33, p.235.
41. See note 33, p.277-288.
42. See note 33, p.323.
43. Katherine Hoyt Gonzalez, Nicaragua Network Education Fund
Newsletter, March1992, p.1.
44. William Blum, The
CIA- A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books Ltd., 1986,p.232-243.
45a. John Stockwell, In Search of Enemies, New York: Norton, 1978.
45b. See note 44, p.284-291.
46. See note 17, p.18.
47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for Panama
(James Abourezk et al)., January 10, 1990; published in The Nation, February 5,
47b. Philip E. Wheaton, Panama, Trenton NJ: Red Sea Press, 1992, p.145-7.
48a. Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, Power, Inc., New York: Bantam Books,
48b. The International Oil Cartel, Federal Trade Commission, December 2,
1949. Cited in 48a, p.521.
49a. See note 44, p.67-76.
49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.
50. Ralph W. McGehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square
51. HR-3385, An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections
in Nicaragua. Passed the U.S. House of Representatives on October 4, 1989 by
avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a vote of 64 to 35.
52. Jack Colhoun, Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post, The
Guardian,November 20, 1991, p.6.
53. Carl Bernstein, Time, February 24, 1992, Cover Story p.28-35.
54. The U.S. and the Vatican on Birth Control, Time, February 24,
55. Time's Missing Link: Poland to Latin America, National Catholic
Reporter,February 28, 1992, p.24.
56a. Jim Lynn, School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission, Benning
Patriot, February 21, 1992, p.12.
56b. Vicky Imerman, U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans Expansion, News
Release from S.O.A. Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus, Georgia 31903.
57. 60 MINUTES, CBS, March 8, 1992.
58. Jack Colhoun, Tricky Dick's Quick Election Fix, The Guardian,
January 29,1992, p.18.
59a. Sean P. Murphy, Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against Police,
Boston Globe, July 28, 1991, p.1.
59b. Christopher B. Daly, Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston Case,
Washington Post, July 12, 1991, p.A3.
59c. Associated Press, Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest Video,
WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991, p.A20.
59d. Gabriel Escobar, Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called Homicide,
Washington Post, May 18, 1991, p.B1.
59e. Jay Mathews, L.A. Police Laughed at Beating, Washington Post, March 19,
59f. David Maraniss, One Cop's View of Police Violence, Washington Post,
April 12,1991, p.A1.
59g. From News Services, Police Abuse Detailed, Washington Post, February 8,
60. Michael Dobbs, Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got
Millions, Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.A1.
61. David Streitfeld, Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In
Paperback, Washington Post, March 14, 1992, p.D1.
62a. See notes 48 and 49.
62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.
62c. Fairness In Broadcasting Act of 1987, U.S. Senate Bill S742.
62d. Now Let That 'Fairness' Bill Die, Editorial, Washington Post,
June 24, 1987. The Post opposed the Fairness in Broadcasting Act.
63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America-The Mafia Murder of
President John F.Kennedy, New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1988,
64. See note 63, p.28.
65a. Chuck Conconi, Out and About, Washington Post, February 26, 1991, p.B3.
65b. George Lardner Jr., On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland, Washington Post,
May19, 1991, p.D1.
65c. George Lardner, ...Or Just a Sloppy Mess, Washington Post, June 2,
65d. Charles Krauthammer, A Rash of Conspiracy Theories-When Do We Dig Up
BillCasey?, Washington Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19.
65e. Eric Brace, Personalities, Washington Post, October 31, 1991, p.C3.
65f. Associated Press, 'JFK' Director Condemned-Warren Commission Attorney
Calls Stone Film 'A Big Lie', Washington Post, December 16, 1991, p.D14.
65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, Kennedy Assassination: How About the
Truth?, Washington Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21.
65h. Rita Kemply, 'JFK': History Through A Prism, Washington Post, December
65i. George Lardner Jr., The Way it Wasn't-In
'JFK', Stone Assassinates the
Truth, Washington Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2.
65j. Desson Howe, Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?, Washington Post, December
65k. Phil McCombs, Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire-In Defending His
Conspiracy Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and Reasoning, Washington Post,
December 21, 1991, p.F1.
65l. George F. Will, 'JFK': Paranoid History, Washington Post, December 26,
65m. On Screen, 'JFK' movie review, Washington Post, Weekend, December 27,
65n. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, Shadow Play, Washington Post, December 27, 1991,
65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, The Paranoid Style, Washington Post, December
65p. Michael Isikoff, H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! -- Why Did Oliver Stone
Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of Johnny Carson?, Washington Post, December 29,
65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts- Moviegoers Say
'JFK' Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone, Washington Post, January 2,
65r. Michael R. Beschloss, Assassination and Obsession, Washington Post,
January 5, 1992, p.C1.
65s. Charles Krauthammer, 'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless, Washington Post,
January 10,1992, p.A19.
65t. Art Buchwald, Bugged: The Flu Conspiracy, Washington Post, January 14,
65u. Ken Ringle, The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories-Good on Film, But the
Motivation Is All Wrong, Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.G1.
65v. Charles Paul Freund, If History Is a Lie-America's Resort to Conspiracy
Thinking, Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.C1.
65w. Richard Cohen, Oliver's Twist, Washington Post Magazine, January 19,
65x. Michael Isikoff, Seeking JFK's Missing Brain, Washington Post,
January 21,1992, p.A17.
65y. Don Oldenburg, The Plots Thicken-Conspiracy Theorists Are Everywhere,
Washington Post, January 28, 1992, p.E5.
65z. Joel Achenbach, JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts, Washington Post,
February 28, 1992, p.C5.
65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the Assassins is
characterized as conspiracy plot theories, Washington Post, March 8,
66. See notes 65n, 65w, 65l, 65b, 65c, and 65i.
67a. Peter Dale Scott, Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon Papers.
Published in The Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon Papers, Volume
67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy-The Secret Road to the Second
Indochina War, Indianapolis/New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972, p. 215-224.
67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New printing, Costa
Mesa CA: Institute for Historical Review, 1990, p.402-416.
67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.
67e. John M. Newman, JFK and Vietnam, New York: Warner Books, 1992.
67f. Peter Dale Scott, Letter to the Editor, The Nation, March 9, 1992,
68a. See note 65b.
68b. Oliver Stone, The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the JFK
Assassination, Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.
69. See note 65b.
70. Jim Garrison, On the Trail of The Assassins, New York: Warner
Books, 1988, 315/318.
71. Associated Press, Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery
Charge, Washington Post, September 28, 1973, p.A3.
72. See note 65c.
73. See note 65i.
74. See note 67e, p.438-450.
75. John G. Leyden, Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots, Washington
Post, Bookworld, January 26, 1992, p.8.
76a. Tad Szulc, New Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe, Washington
Star,September 19, 1975, p.A1.
76b. Tad Szulc, Warren Commission's Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day- 'This Bullet
Business Leaves Me Confused', Washington Star, September 20, 1975, p.A1.
76c. Tad Szulc, Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission- Dulles
Proposed that the Minutes be Destroyed, Washington Star, September 21,
77. Cable Sought to Discredit Critics of Warren Report, New York
Times, December 26, 1977, p.A37.
78. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Harcourt Brace
79a. Eve Pell, Private
Censorship- Killing 'Katharine The Great', The Nation,
November 12, 1983.
79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National Press, 1987.
Davis says, ...corporate documents that became available during my subsequent
lawsuit against him [Harcourt Brace Jovanovich chairman, William Jovanovich]
showed that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great] had been processed and
converted into waste paper.
79c. Daniel Brandt, All the Publisher's Men-A Suppressed Book About
Washington Post Publisher Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again National Reporter,
Fall 1987, p.60.
79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square Press,
1991. ...publishers who don't give a shit, p.iv-v; bullying HBJ into recalling
the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit and settlement, p..
80. Benjamin C.
Bradlee, Letter to Deborah Davis, April 1, 1987. See note 79d, p.304.
81. See note 79d, p.119-132.
82. Carl Bernstein, The CIA and the
Media- How America's Most Powerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central Intelligence Agency
and Why the Church Committee Covered It Up, Rolling Stone, October 20, 1977,
83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington Post,
September 15, 1988. The letter asks for the Post's rationale for its policy of
protecting government covert actions, and whether this policy is still in
83b. Daniel Brandt, Little Magazines May Come and Go, The National Reporter,
Fall 1988, p.4. Notes the Post's protection of the identity of CIA agent Joseph
F.Fernandez. Brandt says, America needs to confront its own recent history as
well as protect the interests of its citizens, and both can be accomplished by
outlawing peacetime covert activity. This would contribute more to thesecurity
of Americans than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite strike forces
that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists.
83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988.
Harwood's two- sentence letter reads, We have a long-standing policy of not
naming covert agents of the C.I.A., except in unusual circumstances. We applied
that policy to Fernandez.
84. See note 79d, p.131.
85. Katharine Graham, Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist
Acts, Washington Post, April 20, 1986, p.C1.
86. conspire, ▀4▀Random House Dictionary of the English Language,
Second Edition Unabridged, 1987.
87. Howard Kurtz, Media Notes, Washington Post, June 18, 1991, p.D1.
88. See note 65y.
89. See note 65n.
90. See note 65d.
91. William Casey, Private Communications with
JCH, March 1992.
92. Richard Harwood, What Conspiracy?, Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.C6.
93. p. 29-32.
94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services Inc.,
April 25, 1992. In 1991 and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared in 878
Washington Post stories, columns, letters, or editorials; Jerry Brown in 485,
Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In those 28, Agran's name appeared
76 times, Clinton's 151, and Brown 105. In only 1 of those 28 did Agran's name
appear in a headline.
94b. Colman McCarthy, What's 'Minor' About This Candidate?, Washington Post,
February 1, 1992. Washington Post columnist McCarthy tells how television and
party officials have kept presidential candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The
Post's own daily news-blackout of Agran is not discussed.
94c. Scot Lehigh, Larry Agran: 'Winner' in Debate With Little Chance For the
Big Prize, Boston Globe, February 25, 1992.
94d. Joshua Meyrowitz, The Press Rejects a Candidate, Columbia Journalism
95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The
Press, NewYork: Harper and Row, 1972, p.36-7.
96a. 28 USC Section 455. Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the United
States shall disqualify himself in any proceeding in which his impartiality
might reasonably be questioned. [emphasis added]
96b. Alpo Petfoods, Inc. v. Ralston Purina Co., 913 F2d 958 (CA DC 1990)..
96c. Monroe Freedman, Thomas' Ethics and the Court-Nominee 'Unfit to Sit' For
Failing to Recuse In Ralston Purina Case, Legal Times, August 26, 1991.
96d. Paul D. Wilcher, Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge Clarence Thomas
to become a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court on the grounds of his JUDICIAL
MISCONDUCT, Letter to U.S. Senator Joseph R. Biden, October 15, 1991.
97. Al Kamen and Michael
Isikoff, 'A Distressing Turn', Activists Decry What Process Has Become, Washington Post, October 12, 1991, p.A1.
98. January 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 1992, p.A1 each day.
99. See note 86.
100. Thomas W.
Lippman, Energy Lobby Fights Unseen 'Killers', Washington Post,April 1, 1992, p.A21. This article explains that
representatives of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of
Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore drilling and nuclear
power industries, whose interests often conflict, pledged to work together to
oppose amendments limiting offshore oil drilling, nuclTurn', Activists Decry What Process Has Become, Washington Post, October 12, 1991, p.A1.
98. January 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 1992, p.A1 each day.
99. See note 86.
100. Thomas W.
Lippman, Energy Lobby Fights Unseen 'Killers', Washington Post,April 1, 1992, p.A21. This article explains that
representatives of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of
Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore drilling and nuclear
power industries, whose interests often conflict, pledged to work together to
oppose amendments limiting offshore oil drilling, nuclear power and carbon
dioxide emissions soon to be offered by key House members.
101. cartel, Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary